Questions: Null Elements and Pro-Drop Parameters

5 questions to test your understanding

Score: 0 / 5
Question 1 Multiple Choice

A student says: 'In Spanish, speakers can just leave out the subject pronoun when it's obvious — the subject position is simply empty.' What is the technically accurate syntactic description?

AThe student is correct: the specifier of TP is genuinely empty in pro-drop languages — that is what 'null subject' means
BThe subject position is occupied by a covert pronominal element (pro) licensed by verb agreement morphology — the position is structurally filled, just not phonologically pronounced
CSpanish speakers optionally move the overt subject to a topic position, leaving the specifier of TP empty as a side effect
DAgreement morphology on the verb substitutes for a subject argument entirely, so no subject position exists in pro-drop clauses
Question 2 Multiple Choice

Which property of the verb is most critical for licensing a null subject (pro) in a canonical pro-drop language like Spanish or Italian?

ALexical semantics — verbs of mental state and perception more readily permit null subjects across languages
BRich agreement morphology that identifies the person and number of the referent, satisfying the licensing requirement that the empty category imposes
CThe absence of a complementizer in the clause, which would otherwise force an overt subject
DThe availability of a discourse-linked antecedent in the immediately preceding sentence
Question 3 True / False

In pro-drop languages, the null element pro occupies the specifier of TP and participates in binding and agreement exactly as an overt pronoun would — it is not syntactic absence but a covert pronominal element.

TTrue
FFalse
Question 4 True / False

In pro-drop languages like Spanish, speakers can omit the subject pronoun freely in any sentence type and discourse context.

TTrue
FFalse
Question 5 Short Answer

Why is the clustering of properties in pro-drop languages — null subjects, subject-verb inversion in declaratives, free inversion in embedded clauses — theoretically significant for syntactic theory?

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