Questions: Syllable Structure and Prosodic Organization

Question 1

In a language, the consonant cluster [str] appears word-initially but never word-finally. A linguist proposes this reflects a constraint on syllable coda structure rather than just a sequential prohibition on [r] before word boundaries. What makes the structural account more explanatory?

• A. The structural account explains the pattern by showing [str] violates coda sonority requirements, unifying it with other onset/coda asymmetries under a single principle
• B. Structural accounts are always preferred to sequential accounts regardless of explanatory value
• C. The sequential account cannot explain why [r] appears at all in word-final position
• D. Phonotactic constraints only apply at word boundaries, not syllable-internally

Answer: (A)

The structural account is more explanatory because it unifies distributional patterns under a general principle: codas require falling sonority (or are restricted to specific sonority profiles), and [str] — which rises from stop through fricative and liquid toward the nucleus — is a valid onset but not a valid coda. The sequential account would simply list the fact that [str] doesn't precede word boundaries without explaining why, and it couldn't predict whether [spr], [skr], or other clusters would similarly be banned from coda position. Structural constraints make predictions; sequential lists don't.

Question 2

What is the 'rhyme' constituent of a syllable, and why is it phonologically significant?

• A. The rhyme is the onset consonant(s); it determines word-initial phonotactics
• B. The rhyme is the nucleus plus coda; it is the unit relevant for poetic rhyming, tone-bearing, and syllable weight
• C. The rhyme is the entire syllable — 'rhyme' is simply another name for syllable in phonology
• D. The rhyme is the coda consonant only; it determines whether a syllable is open or closed

Answer: (B)

The rhyme is the sub-constituent comprising the nucleus and coda together (everything after the onset). It matters because: words that share the same rhyme are poetic rhymes (e.g., 'cat' and 'hat' share [æt]); in tonal languages, tone is typically assigned to the rhyme, not the onset; and syllable weight — the heavy/light distinction that governs stress assignment in many languages — is calculated over the rhyme. The rhyme is the prosodically active unit, not the syllable as a whole.

Question 3

According to the sonority hierarchy, the onset of a well-formed syllable should show decreasing sonority as segments approach the vowel nucleus.

• T. True
• F. False

Answer: False

This is the opposite of the actual principle. Sonority rises through the onset toward the vowel nucleus (the sonority peak), then falls through the coda. In 'play,' the onset goes from stop [p] (low sonority) to liquid [l] (higher sonority) before the vowel (maximum sonority) — sonority is increasing. A well-formed syllable traces a sonority arc: rise through the onset, peak at the nucleus, fall through the coda. Onsets with decreasing sonority (e.g., *[lp] onset) are typologically marked or unattested.

Question 4

Syllable weight — the distinction between heavy and light syllables — is determined by the rhyme and governs stress assignment in many of the world's languages.

• T. True
• F. False

Answer: True

A heavy syllable has a branching rhyme: either a long vowel (CVV) or a closed syllable with a coda consonant (CVC). A light syllable has a non-branching rhyme: a short vowel with no coda (CV). This distinction is calculated over the rhyme (not the full syllable), and quantity-sensitive stress systems (Latin, Arabic, Classical Greek, many others) preferentially stress heavy syllables. Syllable weight also governs vowel lengthening rules and tone assignment in various languages, confirming that the rhyme is a genuine phonological constituent.

Question 5

Explain why phonotactic constraints are more accurately described as constraints on syllable structure than as constraints on linear sequences of phonemes.

Model answer: If phonotactics were purely sequential, they would specify which segment can follow which — e.g., 'stop cannot precede liquid word-finally.' But distributional patterns are position-sensitive: a cluster allowed in onset position may be forbidden in coda position, and vice versa. A structural account captures this with a single constraint on what codas or onsets can look like, rather than separate statements for each position. Moreover, the same phoneme sequence that is forbidden within a syllable may be licensed across a syllable boundary (e.g., heterosyllabic consonants). Resyllabification also shifts which segments belong to onset or coda at morpheme boundaries, changing what is phonotactically acceptable — something a purely sequential account cannot predict.

The structural account is both more economical (fewer constraints, more coverage) and more predictive (it handles resyllabification, cross-morpheme sequences, and new words) than a sequential one. Constraints on syllable positions, not phoneme sequences, are the natural units for capturing cross-linguistic variation in phonotactics.