Moral luck, identified by Thomas Nagel and Bernard Williams, refers to the phenomenon in which factors beyond an agent's control affect the moral judgments we make about them. If two drunk drivers behave identically but one hits a pedestrian who happens to step out and one does not, we typically judge them differently despite their equivalent choices—this is resultant luck. Circumstantial luck concerns the situations we face (a person raised differently might have been a Nazi collaborator), and constitutive luck concerns our character, temperament, and desires, which we do not choose. Moral luck creates a paradox: the Kantian control principle says only what is within our control is morally assessable, but our actual practices of blame and praise routinely violate this.
Read Nagel's 'Moral Luck' and Williams's essay of the same name in their joint anthology. The two authors reach different conclusions, which illustrates how accepting the same data can lead to opposed philosophical verdicts.
From your study of moral responsibility, you know that we typically hold people responsible only for what they can control. The drunk driver is responsible for choosing to drink and drive; the pedestrian who steps off the curb is not responsible for being in the wrong place. This control principle — that moral assessment tracks what the agent had the power to do otherwise — seems like a bedrock of our practices of blame and praise. Moral luck is the observation that our *actual* practices systematically violate this principle, and the puzzle of whether that is a problem for practice, for the principle, or for our theory of both.
Thomas Nagel and Bernard Williams independently identified the same phenomenon, which Nagel called moral luck: "Where a significant aspect of what someone does depends on factors beyond his control, yet we treat them as objects of moral judgment, it is moral luck." Nagel distinguished four types. Resultant luck is luck in how things turn out. Two equally reckless drivers take the same blind corner at the same speed; one hits a child who runs into the road, one does not. In law and in ordinary moral practice, we treat them differently — the first faces manslaughter charges, the second faces none. Their choices and intentions were identical. Only luck differed. Circumstantial luck is luck in the situations we face. A person raised in Nazi Germany who, under those circumstances, becomes a collaborator — would they have been a collaborator in a different society? Probably not. But we judge them for what they did, even knowing the circumstances were not chosen. Constitutive luck is luck in who we are — our character, temperament, appetites, and capacities, none of which we selected. We praise the courageous person for courage they were partly born with; we blame the impulsive person for impulsivity they did not choose.
The paradox Nagel identifies is that we seem to be committed to two incompatible things: the control principle (only what is within our control is morally assessable) and our actual practices of judgment (which routinely assess outcomes, circumstances, and constitutive features we did not control). Nagel finds no clean resolution — he thinks the paradox is genuine and expresses a deep tension in our conception of moral agency. Williams takes a different path: he thinks resultant luck is real and should not be rationalized away. The driver who hits the child will rightly feel what Williams calls agent-regret — not mere regret that something bad happened, but a distinctive self-directed feeling that goes beyond what anyone else could feel. This is appropriate, Williams argues, because moral life is not an abstract exercise in impartial assessment; it is lived from a first-person perspective shaped by the actual consequences of one's choices, however they turned out.
The implications extend across ethics. Retributive punishment theories are challenged by constitutive luck: if someone's criminal character was shaped by factors beyond their control (genetics, childhood trauma, social environment), how much of what they are is genuinely theirs to be blamed for? Distributive justice is implicated too: much of what makes people prosperous or poor is circumstantial luck — where they were born, what family they were born into. If outcomes are not earned but are partly luck, that is an argument for redistribution that Rawlsian contract theory (a likely prerequisite topic) builds on explicitly. Moral luck does not dissolve responsibility — it forces us to think more carefully about what responsibility actually requires and which of our reactive attitudes are tracking something real.
Topics in reflective domains aren't scored by quiz answers. Read, reflect, and mark when you've thought it through.